British Parliament Votes Unanimously in Favor of Magnitsky Sanctions
March 8, 2012
Yesterday, a motion was unanimously passed in the British House of Commons calling on the government to impose visa sanctions and asset freezes on the Russian officials who falsely arrested, tortured and killed Sergei Magnitsky and then covered up the crime.
Forty British MPs from all major political parties voted unanimously in favor of the motion entitled “Human Rights Abuses and the Death of Sergei Magnitsky”.
“The UK Parliament has spoken overwhelmingly in solidarity with Sergei Magnitsky and the other brave voices fighting for the rule of law and reform in Russia. The government should now heed its will and come forward with a bill to impose targeted sanctions on those responsible for torture, assassination and other crimes against those struggling to promote or defend the most basic freedoms we enjoy here,” said Dominic Raab, MP, who introduced the motion.
Alistair Burt, Foreign Office Minister, responding on behalf of the government, said the government did not oppose the motion. Minister Burt said that the British government is determined to secure justice in this case. He stressed that the UK government has consistently raised the Magnitsky case with the Russian government at the highest levels, including with President Medvedev and Foreign Minister Lavrov, and finds it “deeply troubling” that no one has been held liable for his death.
Minister Burt went on to say:
“The death of Sergei Magnitsky serves as a stark reminder of the human rights situation in Russia, and questions about the rule of law there.”
Sir Malcolm Rifkind, MP, former British Foreign Secretary, said of the Parliamentary vote:
“I am delighted that the House of Commons has unanimously expressed its will that the UK should join other government around the world in refusing visas and travel rights into the UK for those responsible for the persecution and death of Sergei Magnitsky.”
Dominic Raab, MP, called on the government to present the implementation plan before the Queen’s speech scheduled for May 9.
The motion calls upon the British government to introduce legislative proposals sanctioning four categories of officials who:
“(a) were involved in the detention, physical abuse or death of Sergei Magnitsky;
(b) participated in efforts to conceal the legal liability for the detention, abuse or death of Sergei Magnitsky;
© committed the frauds discovered by Sergei Magnitsky; or
(d) are responsible for extrajudicial killings, torture or other gross violations of human rights committed in Russia or any other country against any individual seeking to obtain, exercise, defend or promote basic and internationally recognised human rights, including those set out in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966.”
The debate went ahead in spite of a letter of protest from Russian Ambassador Alexander Yakovenko sent to Speaker of the House of Commons, John Bercow, attempting to stop the debate.
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Sir, Madam
Relations between the United States, the United Kingdom and the European Union on one side, and the Russian Federation on the other have recently taken a turn for the worse. In particular, certain Western states are considering enacting into law a procedure whereby certain Russian citizens, officers working for such state institutions as the Federal Security Bureau, Interior Ministry, Office of the Prosecutor General, and Judiciary, will be punishable for their alleged involvement in corrupt schemes which result in death or violence. The “Magnitsky Act”, now being debated in the US Congress is such example. The United States would, due to the Magnitsky Act, have a legal framework for punishing individuals allegedly involved in corruption and state sponsored violence in Russia. Such measures would take the form of travel bans and asset freezes of such individuals. Although any initiatives which have as aim the reduction of state sponsored violence and corruption should be welcomed, it is worth investigating the details behind the decision by such Western governments to pursue such acts of law as the Magnitsky Act. In particular, was their decision to pursue such a law based on reliable evidence? What if the officers on the now famous “Magnitsky List” were not guilty of any misconduct at all? What if they were merely doing their duty, bringing to justice people accused of massive tax crime of the order of millions of US dollars. And if not guilty (which could be determined for example in an international trial), is not the effect of passing such an act, which damages all the parties involved, their governments and their peoples, also the direct result of the people responsible for proposing such a law in the first place? Is it really in the West’s interest to pursue such a policy with Russia without meticulously and independently examining all the case evidence, not just that provided by William Browder and his associates. The stakes are high. The West needs Russia “on board” and fully integrated into the international community at a very crucial time in world history. A looming confrontation with Iran is just one such example of how much the West depends on Russia for their the own security. In short, can the West really afford itself the luxury of unilaterally attacking Russia without looking in depth into the whole sordid, complicated and deeply controversial “Magnitsky Case”?
I call on the governments of the United States and members of the European Union to examine all evidence connected to the case. On the one side, the evidence presented by Browder has been widely publicized. I propose that there has been a lack of will to consider the evidence put forward by the Russian State, in particular, the evidence which incriminates William Browder (CEO Hermitage Capital Management), Ivan Cherkasov — (director of “Cameo Ltd” , a member of the Hermitage Capital Management Fund) and Sergei Magnitsky (tax advisor at Firestone Duncan Law Firm). Without looking objectively at both sides of the case, surely any unilateral action taken against the Russian State will lead to a weakening of the relationship between the West and Russia with unforeseeable consequences.
The evidence
i) Evidence that Magnitsky was arrested for a tax crime committed in 1999, criminal case number 153123. He was arrested due to his involvement in an alleged tax crime, and specifically because i) he could put pressure on the witnesses of the case (invalids from the Kalmykian Republic), as he did in the past, ii) was a flight risk, (Ivan Cherkasov and Edward Khairedinov, others implicated in the case had already left Russia). It was determined that if Magnitsky had been allowed to leave Russia, the case would become much more complicated to solve. This is given by the Russian State as the real reason for his arrest, according to articles 91,92 of the criminal code. The widely held view in the West is that he was arrested because he himself testified against Interior Ministry Officials Lt Col Artem Kuznetsov and Lt Col Pavel Karpov.
ii) Magnitsky’s testimony. Firstly, this document reveals that he did not testify against any specific officers of the Russian State. This contrasts with the view held by the Western media, that the reason behind his arrest was motivated out of revenge, an attempt to “muzzle” Magnitsky so that he would not pursue his investigations. Secondly, he testified that the company seals confiscated by the Interior Ministry officials in their raid of 4th June 2007 had been copied. He testified that the copies of the company seals were kept in the offices of his company, Firestone Duncan, and they were used to give Power of Attorney to Khairadinov to represent Cameo Ltd.
iii) Evidence that the company seals used in the transfer of ownership of the companies Parfenion Ltd, Makhaon Ltd and Rilend Ltd were the copies of the seals, and not the originals confiscated by the Interior Ministry officers in their raid of the Hermitage offices on June 4th 2007. (The transfer of ownership of these three companies to a fourth company under the control of a certain Victor Marklelov, Pluton Ltd, was a central part of a scheme to steal 230 million US dollars from the Russian State)
iv) Testimony of Victor Markelov. Markelov in his testimony of 16 July 2008 states that sometime in the summer of 2007, an old friend had introduced him to a certain Oktay Hasanov. Hasanov, he states, invited him to take control (through Markelov’s company, Pluton Ltd) of the three former Hermitage companies, namely Rilend Ltd, Makhaon Ltd and Parfenion Ltd. He also states that Hasanov knew a certain Edward Khairetdinov who had given him the Power of Attorney (using the copies of the company seals located in the offices of Firestone Duncan) over the allegedly stolen companies. Furthermore he testifies that in Hasanov’s presence he heard Hasanov talking to Khairetdinov in a telephone conversation and that Khairetdinov had to fly to the UK to meet with the previous company owners before being able to make certain decisions concerning the changing of the ownership of the companies. Such testimony alleges a link between Victor Markelov, Hasanov and Khairetdinov, a lawyer representing the Hermitage Company “Cameo”.
Looking behind the evidence, a number of possible conclusions can be made. If the seals used to transfer the ownership of the three companies were indeed those held at the offices of Firestone Duncan, and not those confiscated by the Interior Ministry on their raid of 4th June 2007, then the whole case against the Interior Ministry’s involvement in the fraud breaks down.
If the West is really interested in improving relations with the Russian State, then it is their interests to investigate independently all evidence of the “Magnitsky Case”, for example in The International Court of Justice. Without such a progression, the Magnitsky Case will continue simmering, poisoning relations between the West and Russia for years to come.
All evidence mentioned in this article is accessible freely on the internet. I would be happy to communicate my sources to any interested party.
Yours faithfully,
Daniel Ross, Moscow +79166747619